Magam vagy magamat?

I argue in this study that the apparent optionality of the accusative case marker on 1SG and 2SG reflexives in contemporary Hungarian is not an instance of free variation between an accusative-marked and an unmarked form. As corpus evidence shows, the spellout of accusative morphology correlates with referential uses of the reflexive. The emerging picture is that the use of accusative morphology on these reflexives has been on the decline since the old Hungarian period, and it is a marked option in the synchronic state of the language, where speakers tend to avoid overt case morphology when the reflexives is interpreted as a bound variable.