Some notes on the contribution of Hungarian anaphors

This paperdiscusses the grammar of two Hungarian reflexives to argue that their complex and seemingly inconsistent behaviour in different agreement constructions can be described adequately at f-structurevia the assumption that theseanaphors only constrainthe INDEXfeatures of their antecedents. The primary reflexive does not have f-structure INDEXfeatures of its own, and while the complex reflexive does, these arenon-identical to the antecedent INDEXfeature bundle. Thecurrentproposal is shown to be more comprehensive in coverage than previous LFG analyses by Laczkó (2013) and Rákosi (2009). Recent work in LFG emphasizes the need to separate the binding and the agreement aspects of anaphoric dependencies into s-structure and f-structure, respectively (see Haug 2014 and Dalrymple et al. 2018), and this paper provides further argumentsfor this approach.