On control and binding in Hungarian complex event nominals

Laczkó & Rákosi (2019) analyze the binding relations of Hungarian anaphors occurring within possessive DPs. They introduce a new feature: BDD "binding domain delimiter" associated with the lexical form of the definite article. Furthermore, they assume that within Hungarian possessive DPs there are two [?r] grammatical functions available to arguments of complex event nominals: SUBJ and POSS. In this paper we will show that their analysis is on the right LFG-theoretic lines, because it handles the crucial binding facts appropriately. However, we will also demonstrate that it cannot capture some further related phenomena; therefore, we will propose an important modification of their account that will also cover these further cases. In addition to adopting their SUBJ PRO analysis of the external argument of a "transitive" derived nominal, we will subscribe to the view that the by-phrase realizing such an external argument bears the OBLag grammatical function, which is more feasible than a suppression account. Finally, we will explore the treatment of obligatory control into Hungarian DPs from an LFG perspective. We will argue for the anaphoric control approach as opposed the functional control alternative.