Operator Fronting in Hungarian

This paper investigates the Hungarian Operator Fronting construction, where an element from a subordinate sentence appears in the matrix clause. Two subtypes are distinguished: a standard long-distance dependency and a proleptic version. In the latter, the fronted element is analyzed as a thematic object of the main verb. This thematic object is linked to an embedded grammatical function via obligatory anaphoric binding. The configuration can be integrated into a wider perspective of control from an LFG perspective.